Once again this morning, the BLS employment release tells conflicting stories depending on whether one looks at the unemployment rate or job growth.   The U.S. unemployment rate fell from 8.3% in July to 8.1% in August, continuing the gradual three-year downward trend (from its 2009 peak at 10 %).     Political economy equations often say that the direction of movement of the unemployment rate in the period preceding a presidential election is the main economic determinant of whether the incumbent is re-elected.  

“Are we better off than we were four years ago?”   Yes.   If the criterion is to be a narrow unemployment comparison, and one counts from the month following the day Obama took the oath of office, then we are now at a lower unemployment rate.   But that is very simple-minded as a criterion.   (Look at GDP.  Better yet look at how the free-fall turned around  and the recession ended within his first 5 months.)

Employment growth is the more important statistic, to evaluate the progress of the economic recovery.  Here today’s BLS report was disappointing: only 96,000 jobs created.    The jobs number climbs into six digits if one looks at private sector employment growth.  

By the way, am I the only one who sees a general bias toward negativity in the media?   When the unemployment number looks bad and job creation looks good, like a month ago, the newspapers seem to headline the former.   When the unemployment rate looks good and employment disappoints, as this time around, they tend to focus on the latter.  The TV shows do the same (including those on which I appear).

In any case, as always, one should look at a longer run trend.   The fact is that private sector job growth has been running at an annual rate of 162,000 per month over the last two years.    This is far greater than the rate during the Bush Administration even if one looks only at the years in between the Bush recessions of 2001 and 2008  (83,000 per month, on average, from November 2001 to December 2007.)   It is not enough.  For example it is much less than the rate during the Clinton Administration, month in, month out (218,000 private sector jobs created per month, on average).  But it is a big improvement over where we were.

On the subject of Bill Clinton.  His speech to the Democratic Convention  Wednesday night again demonstrated his unique ability to explain wonkish policy details in a folksy way.    This included pointing out the statistics on private sector job creation under Democratic presidents since 1961 compared to Republican Presidents.   The rate has been just over twice as great.   Thus the current Obama-Bush comparison continues a half-century tradition.

The point about private sector job expansion looking better than overall employment growth is of course what Obama was trying to say in June when he made his unfortunately worded statement that “the private sector is doing fine.”   He quickly retracted that language, which was the right thing to do.  But the point still needs to be made.

Why look at private sector jobs, instead of total jobs?    I have a feeling that this is a Republican way of looking at things.  The Republicans don’t seem to believe there is anything amiss if a million public sector workers lose their jobs.  (Which is what has happened over the last year:  934,000.)    Teachers, firefighters, construction workers…   Apparently those don’t  count as real jobs because they are in the public sector.    That would explain the Republican congressional opposition to Obama’s initial fiscal stimulus in 2009 (the one that ended the recession) and their more successful subsequent attempts to block Obama’s job proposals.  

So maybe we should be looking at total employment after all, rather than private employment.  Or even focusing on the underemployed and discouraged workers.  But these are all reasons why we need to resume enacting the policies that Obama has been trying to enact.

The BLS this morning reported U.S. job gains of 163,000 in July, which is good news in the eyes of the financial markets.  The jobs data had been disappointing over the preceding three spring months.  Before that, during the winter months, employment growth was strong.

In terms of perceptions and politics, pundits will say that today’s report is good news for Obama’s re-election prospects, just as they said the spring jobs numbers were bad news for the President.  But my interest is in economics and reality, rather than perceptions and politics.   From a longer-term perspective, a few important facts have not been adequately discussed.

• 1. The rate of job growth over the last two years, 137,000 jobs per month, inadequate as it is, has actually been greater than the rate of job growth during the George W. Bush Administration (101,000 per month) even if one excludes the two Bush recessions that occurred in the first and last years of his administration, respectively.   The Obama Administration looks even better if one confines the numbers to private sector employment, since the government has been shedding jobs under Obama and was growing rapidly under Bush. Of course this is still nothing like the sort of progress we would ideally want to see - say, the 237,000 jobs that were created month in and month out on average during the 8 years of the Clinton Administration. And the number of long-term unemployed remains worryingly high. But the situation is a big improvement over the economy that Obama inherited three years ago.  

• 2. An unemployment rate of 8.3% shows that the economy is still in unsatisfactory shape.   (The July numbers show a rise from 8.21 to 8.25, which the BLS labelled “essentially unchanged” in the first sentence of its release.)   Unemployment remains higher than what the Obama Administration hoped we would have by now at the time it took office in January 2009.  Most of the difference can be explained by the fact that the level of economic activity in January 2009 - as a result of the free-fall in the last part of 2008 - was much worse than was realized at the time. The subsequent downward revision by the Commerce Department in the official statistic for the level of GDP at the start of 2009 can explain why the level of the economy is disappointing 3 ½ years later, more than the rate of growth over the intervening period. After all, those horrendous 2008 rates of decline in GDP and employment turned around during the six months immediately following the day Obama took office.  

• 3. Most private-sector and independent economists agree that the Obama fiscal stimulus made a positive difference; that - together with TARP and monetary easing by the Fed, unpopular as they are in some circles — it helps explain the mid-2009 economic turnaround; and that it helps explain the moderate growth that followed (2 ½ % growth p.a. in the 2nd half of 2009 plus 2010).   A good explanation for the disappointingly slow rate of growth in output and employment since the end of 2010 is that the fiscal stimulus has been withdrawn and the government sector has been contracting. (Since the November 2010 election, there have been enough Republicans in Congress to block the American Jobs Act and every other action that Obama proposes.)  One can see this in the composition of both GDP and employment. Today’s jobs report features another 9,000 jobs cut in state, local, and federal governments, continuing the pattern that has held throughout the recovery: jobs and output in manufacturing and the rest of the private sector have been expanding, partially offset by contraction in the public sector.

At first glance, the job numbers of the last week seem to offer a mixed and confusing picture.   On the one hand, today’s headline from the Bureau of Labor Statistics certainly sounds like good news:  the unemployment rate finally dropped below 10.0% — to 9.7%.   On the other hand, today’s establishment survey of employment, which most of the time is a more reliable measure than the unemployment rate, still shows job change numbers that are negative.   Furthermore, recent numbers on claims for unemployment benefits have been discouraging.   

To reach an overall evaluation, one must take a longer-term perspective. (more…)

The economy has been on a roller coaster ride since the cyclical peak of December 2007. (See illustration.) The gradual slide of early 2008 turned into a terrifying freefall in the last quarter of 2008 (after the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy) and the first quarter of 2009. Now the train is probably at the bottom of the roller coaster valley.

The Index of Leading Economic Indicators, represented by the first car in the train, was this morning reported to have risen for the seventh consecutive month in October. Similarly, consumer confidence is substantially improved relative to February (though it, like all economic statistics, has experienced some bumps in the ride). The important middle cars, which represent measures of aggregate output, probably reached bottom in the early summer, and then started back up.  The BEA’s advanced estimate for GDP growth in the third quarter was 3 ½ % .

The jobs measures are lagging well behind the rest of the train, as usual.
Among three key labor market measures, the hours worked series has apparently reached the bottom. Employment is still falling, though thankfully not at the very rapid pace of a year ago. The unemployment rate brings up the rear; people in that car are understandably unhappy.

The quip “There are three kinds of lies:  lies, damn lies, and statistics” is variously attributed to Benjamin Disraeli or Mark Twain.   What should the public make of government statistics, such as the monthly employment report released today, Thursday, July 2, by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS)?  

There is no lying in US government statistics.   But there are always commentators who will use the numbers to make whatever point they want.     One should learn enough to be able to interpret the numbers for oneself.     That is the only way to prevent being misled.

Of the many numbers contained in the BLS reports, I view three as especially important.    

The most salient figure politically is the unemployment rate, which hit 9.5% in June, according to Thursday’s report.    This was the highest level since August 1983 and clearly reflects the current extent of distress in American labor markets.

Critics of the official statistics like to point out that the unemployment rate does not capture discouraged workers who have dropped out of the labor force because they couldn’t find a job.  True.  But the government isn’t trying to make the unemployment number look smaller.   Rather, it is just too difficult to decide who is a “discouraged worker,” as opposed to simply being out of the labor force.   So the BLS always defines only those who have looked for a job recently as being in the measured labor force.   This still allows us to compare changes in unemployment over time, which is the purpose of the unemployment rate.   The agency does compute a measure that attempts to include discouraged workers and part-time workers — the U-6 series — but I don’t think it is right to call this the “real unemployment rate.”   

The second important number in the labor market reports is employment, that is, the number of workers who have jobs, which was down another 467,000 in June.    This is the statistic to which the financial markets and macroeconomic forecasters pay the most attention on a monthly basis.  (In that sense, the question of discouraged workers is a red herring.)     Employment peaked in December 2007, the start of the recession.    Since then, we have lost 6 million jobs altogether.   The current recession is now both the longest-lasting and the deepest since the 1930s.    But at least the period of the steepest rate of job loss –  November 2008 to March 2009 – appears to be behind us.  

Two details about the jobs number.    First, the statisticians get the “employment” number through one method, by surveying establishments (employers), while the unemployment rate uses a measure of employment derived through a different method, by surveying households.   The employment number is generally considered more reliable because it is based on a wider survey — another reason to prefer it.  

The second point is that, for purposes of comparison across different business cycles, we still need to divide employment by something.     If not the labor force, then what?   We must, at a minimum, allow for population growth.    So it is useful to divide employment by total population.  This way we don’t have to attempt distinctions about which Americans might be prepared to take a job under the right circumstances.  The fraction of the population (civilian non-institutional) with jobs peaked at the end of the Clinton Administration, reaching 64 ½  % in January 2001.   It has now declined to 59 ½ %.

Although the financial markets pay most attention to the number of workers with jobs, employment is not much good for forecasting the overall economy, because it tends to be a lagging indicator.   Even when firms see economic activity starting to pick up, they delay hiring, because it is costly to find, hire, and train new workers – not to mention to fire them again if the recovery turns out abortive.   

For this reason, the third indicator is my personal favorite for gauging the business cycle in real time:  the rate of change of total hours worked in the economy.  Total hours worked is equal to the total number of workers employed, multiplied by the length of the workweek for the average worker.   The length of the workweek can be expected to respond at turning points faster than does the number of jobs.  When demand is slowing, firms tend to cut back on overtime, and then switch to part-time workers or in some cases cut workers back to partial workweeks, before they lay them off.    The phenomenon is called “labor hoarding.”  Conversely, when demand begins to rise, firms tend to increase the workweek, before they hire new workers.   (To take two historical examples, the “change in total hours worked” improved in both April 1991 and November 2001, which on other grounds were eventually declared to mark the ends of their respective recessions.)   

The workweek reached a historically short level in June: 33.0 hours.  Not a good sign.    As one consequence, total hours worked fell 0.8% that month, continuing the same rapid deterioration we have seen since last September, the month when Lehman Brothers failed and the recession worsened sharply.  

The bottom line for the economy:   despite signs in other areas that the recession is leveling out – most importantly, production and sales — the labor market indicators in themselves are not yet signaling a turning point.   Thus the June numbers confirm the evaluation I made a month ago, based on hours worked in May, that the apparent good news in the widely reported May employment number was probably an insignificant blip.   The bottom line for newspaper readers:   master your statistics, so that they can’t master you.

[Readers wishing to post comments are referred to the version of this post on Seeking Alpha or the RGE Monitor site. ]

Payroll employment peaked in December, and according to numbers released today had declined by 260,000 jobs as of April. (Source: BLS.) Since we have not yet seen a single negative number on GDP growth, this job loss is easily the most tangible statistical evidence we have so far that the much-heralded recession indeed may have started in the first quarter of 2008.

It has been noted that the unemployment rate started out from a low level — averaging 4.6 % in 2007 — so that even after a period of gradual increase, it remains relatively low by historical standards: 5.0% in April. This is still inside the range that has usually been considered by politicians as too low to generate serious discontent (and by central bankers as too low to put downward pressure on wages and prices). But why, then, is there so much popular dissatisfaction with the economy?

One answer is the old “discouraged worker” effect. Workers who stop looking for a job are not counted in the labor force, and so are not counted as unemployed. There is an obvious way to capture this phenomenon. Compare employment to the entire population, rather than only to those who are actively in the work force. The chart does that. (These figures include farm jobs, as in the standard BLS employment ratio.)

The path of the employment/population ratio during the current decade has been remarkable. The steep slide in jobs that began with the 2001 recession continued thereafter, and actually accelerated in late 2002. Finally the freefall leveled out. (The Bush Administration trumpeted the turnabout in terms similar to those it now uses to sell the aftermath of the troop surge in Iraq: the response to an unacceptable casualty rate was to make things worse for a half-year, and thereafter to compare the post-surge rate of casualties to the high-point, rather than to the period that came before.)

Employment did indeed rise between the years 2003 and 2007. But it barely stayed ahead of population growth. It did very little to make up for the decline equal to 2-3% of the population that had taken place during the first two years of the Bush Administration. The labor force participation rate normally rises in a boom, as good labor market conditions lure workers out of homes, schools and retirement. This is certainly what happened during the record expansion of 1992-2000. But it did not happen during the most recent expansion. To the contrary, the labor force participation rate was at a minimum in 2007, even though that year appears to have been the peak of the business cycle. As a result, employment as a share of the population was well below what it had been at the preceding business cycle peak year (2000). The fraction of Americans with jobs shows a decline from 64.7% to 62.6%, which translates into 4.9 million missing jobs ! Little wonder that, as employment once again starts to decline even in absolute terms, workers are unhappy.