Posts Tagged ‘larry summers’

My Bet: Larry Summers will be Chosen Treasury Secretary

Friday, November 14th, 2008

 

Everyone who speculates on President-Elect Obama’s most likely choice for Secretary of the Treasury has the same two names:    Larry Summers and Tim Geithner.   I have known them for a long time, and worked with both in the Clinton Administration.   Either one would be excellent.   As a result of some public opposition to Summers, Geithner has now pulled far ahead according to the Intrade odds: 45% to 27% as of November 14.    But if I were to place a bet at these odds, it would be that Obama will go with Summers.   For one thing, Geithner is needed at the New York Fed, where he has been one of the key players managing the financial crisis.

 

Geithner and Summers are both said to have baggage that might disqualify them.   I disagree.   Some say Geithner is tarred by association with the Bush Administration, because he has been working with it on the crisis.    But his position is non-partisan, and some continuity in managing this crisis is desirable.   More to the point, it was in the Clinton Administration (under Larry Summers) that Geithner rose from obscurity to prominence.    Some say that the President-elect should not choose either of the two, precisely because they are associated with the Clinton Administration, whereas Obama campaigned for change.   But that is the most absurd argument of all.   We need somebody experienced in the Treasury job, above all at a time such as now.  The sort of competence these two showed at the 1993-2001 Treasury, especially at crisis management, and the track record of that Administration, is what we want to change to, not what we want to change from.    All the economic indicators improved during the Clinton Administration, as surely as they have worsened since then:  employment, growth, inflation, budget balance, poverty, and so on.  They have the sort of baggage we want a Secretary of the Treasury to carry !

 

Most sensationally, Summers is said to be tainted by his time as President of Harvard.    Too much has already been said about this.   But I will make just a couple of observations.    First, although Summers may not be Mr. Personality, and he will never be elected to high office nor chosen to head offices for women’s rights or the environment, he has all the most important qualities for the Treasury job.   Despite a tendency to say what he thinks, I don’t think he committed any true faux pas or became involved in any mini-scandals during 8 years in the government — no easy feat.   (The closest he came to a faux pas, or what counts for one in the media, was a statement that the argument that was then being made for abolition of the estate tax was based on greed alone rather than efficiency.   He quickly retracted the statement without bothering to try to explain what he had meant, having already by then become familiar with the rules of political brouhahas.)    In his time in Washington, he learned how to get along with politicians across the spectrum, from socialists to the far right.   It’s true that he wasn’t able subsequently to get along with the full range of faculty in the Harvard English Department, but that is a tougher task.  

 

Finally, I continue to be surprised at how the press describes Summers’ ill-fated and ill-considered (but “off the record”) remarks regarding explanations for the lack of women in academic science departments.  He is most often reported as having suggested that women generally have less aptitude for science than men.   Memories of these remarks in some quarters probably accounts for the recent decline of Summers in the betting odds, though he also has defenders among women with whom he has worked.   I link to the text of what he actually said here,  and urge readers to make up their minds for themselves.   But I don’t read his speculative remarks about the various hypotheses quite the way most people have assumed.   To me the most outrageous line in the remarks was, rather, the suggestion (made to illustrate the penalities for being out of the academic workforce for a couple of years) “that no economist who had gone to work at the President’s Council of Economic Advisers for two years had done highly important academic work after they returned” !  

What Does It Take to Define Away the Statistics Showing Economic Performance Under Democratic Presidents Superior to That Under Republicans?

Monday, September 15th, 2008

Economic Policy Institute, September 2008.

A panel on Supply Side Economics in Washington, September 12, included statistics on the superior performance of the American economy under President Clinton compared to his Republican successor. (The graph to the right, from Ettlinger & Irons, shows the first term of each administration.  The growth gap during the second terms was even wider.)  Former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers gave some statistics that included Democratic versus Republican presidents throughout the postwar period.   As others have also pointed out, the Democratic record dominates to a surprising extent.   (The event was jointly sponsored by the Center for American Progress and the Economic Policy Institute.)

 By coincidence, in a column in that day’s Wall Street Journal, Donald Luskins sought to “get something settled once and for all. Have the stock markets and the economy historically done better under Democrats or Republicans?”


Here is what he wanted to straighten us out on:     “Superficially at least, the Democratic claims are true: Since 1948, the Standard & Poor’s 500 total return (capital gains plus dividends) has averaged 15.6% when a Democrat was in the White House and only 11.1% when a Republican was in the White House.      You get a similar result if you look at growth in real gross domestic product. Under Democratic presidents, the average since 1948 has been 4.2%. Under Republican presidents it has been only 2.8%.”  But then he goes on to argue that Kennedy should really be classified as a Republican (he cut taxes), Nixon as a Democrat (wage-price controls), George H.W. Bush as a Democrat (he raised taxes), and Bill Clinton as a Republican (free trade; and one might add elimination of the budget deficit, support for the Fed, welfare reform, other policies that might normally be thought of as conservative). He argues that if you make these switches in party assignments, then the US stock market and economy has performed better under “Republican” presidents (which, remember, now includes Kennedy and Clinton) than under “Democrats” (which now includes Nixon and the first Bush).

I am still not sure whether the column was meant as a joke.  At the risk of finding out that I have been taken in by a prank, I will assume that the author is serious.  Brad de Long  
picked this one up right away, and thinks the author is serious. (Luskins, it turns out, is the guy who has apparently devoted much of his adult life to attacking Paul Krugman. )  But Brad didn’t offer any sort of detailed rebuttal.   I suppose one could argue “live by ad hominem, die by ad hominem.”   But I think blogosphere courtesy, such as it is, calls for a substantive reply. 

*
My first response is to point out that the Nixon, Bush and Clinton policies he cites are not isolated cases, but appear on a longer list of examples I like to give showing how for the last 40 years, rhetoric notwithstanding, Republican presidents have pursued policies that, surprisingly, are farther removed from the ideal of good neoclassical economics than have Democratic presidents.   This is especially true if one defines neoclassical economics as the textbook version, which allows government intervention in the face of externalities, monopolies, etc..  But I would argue that it applies even to the “conservative economics” version that puts priority simply on small government.

The criteria underlying this generalization about Republican presidents are:
(1) Growth in the size of the government, as measured by employment and spending.
(2) Lack of fiscal discipline, as measured by budget deficits.
(3) Lack of commitment to price stability, as measured by pressure on the Fed for easier monetary policy when politically advantageous.
(4) Departures from free trade.
(5) Use of government powers to protect and subsidize favored special interests (such as agriculture and the oil and gas sector, among others).   

I have documented in writings listed elsewhere that Republican presidents have since 1971 indulged in these five departures from “conservatism” to a greater extent than Democratic presidents.    The name I would give to this set of departures, as well as to the parallel abuses of executive power in the areas of foreign policy (intervening in Iraq) and domestic policy (intervening in people’s bedrooms), is neither “liberal” nor “conservative” but, rather, “illiberal.”

*
My second response is to point out that the author is re-defining “Republican” and “Democrat” tautologically to be “good” or “bad.”    A definition that departs so far from actual party affiliation does unacceptable linguistic violence.    And of course it is circular logic to then find that the economy does better under “Republican” presidents than “Democratic.”

An analogy.   Marx and Engels of course professed to have the welfare of the common man as their goal. The Soviet Constitution asserted that the USSR expressed “… the will and interests of the workers, peasants, and intelligentsia.”  It claimed to embody democracy, the rights of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, inviolability of the person and home, and the right to privacy.    Needless to say, this was all pure rhetoric, which was continuously and comprehensively violated by the actual operations of the Soviet state.   But by Luskins’ logic, the western democratic system, which did put these ideals into practice, should be re-classified as communist, and the superior performance of the western system should be chalked up as going to the credit of communism !   It makes no more sense to credit the achievements of Bill Clinton to the Republicans than it would to credit the achievements of western democracy to the Communists. 

 

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